Between 2010 and 2020, Greece experienced a deep fiscal crisis that placed considerable strain on its economic and political relationship with the EU. In contrast, during the same period, relations between Athens and Beijing grew significantly closer, with partnerships emerging across multiple sectors and expanding in scope and depth.
A hallmark of this burgeoning relationship was the entry of state-owned China Ocean Shipping Company (COSCO) into the Port of Piraeus—first through its involvement in the cargo terminal in 2009, followed by the acquisition of a majority stake in the Piraeus Port Authority in 2016. This development coincided with a notable increase in cooperation in higher education, a sector that is overwhelmingly dominated by public institutions in Greece. It is no coincidence that Greece’s first Confucius Institute was established in 2009, a year after COSCO secured its initial concession at the port through an international tender.
Greek universities were hit hard by the fiscal crisis. Hiring freezes, deep salary cuts, and significant reductions in education funding placed severe limitations on their operations. In this context, partnerships with Chinese institutions, which often required minimal financial investment from Greek universities, were welcomed. Since 2010, academic collaboration between Greece and China has taken three main forms: the expansion of Confucius Institutes (CIs), now present in five Greek universities; the creation of joint degree programs, co-taught courses, and teaching-focused centres; and joint research projects funded through three rounds of the Bilateral R&D Cooperation Greece–China programs, supported by the EU-financed National Strategic Reference Framework.
In total, 27 Greek institutions have entered into more than 135 formal partnerships with Chinese counterparts, primarily universities. These collaborations span a wide range of disciplines, with a strong emphasis on STEM fields, but also extend into the humanities and social sciences, particularly language and culture.
Beijing’s engagement with Greek academia aligns closely with its broader soft power strategy in the fields of education and culture. Drawing on Greece’s pride in its ancient heritage, China has sought to frame bilateral collaboration as a meeting of great civilizations. This is reflected in joint degree programs in Philosophy and other fields, the planned establishment of a Chinese Archaeological School, Beijing-linked Sinology centres, and—perhaps most symbolically—the Dialogue Among Civilizations initiative, which includes conferences and official exchanges. The latter has been warmly received by Greek policymakers, as it appears to elevate Greece to the status of a civilizational superpower.
Transparency
Currently, Greece lacks a formal framework for academic cooperation with institutions from authoritarian states that includes provisions for transparency. Information about such partnerships—whether with Chinese universities or other state-affiliated entities—is often scattered and inconsistent. Some Greek universities maintain websites that list their collaborations, including Memoranda of Understanding (MoUs) and periodic updates, while others disclose little to no information publicly. Only five of the 27 institutions responded to Freedom of Information (FOI) requests.
Since 2010, the Greek state has implemented the Diavgeia transparency initiative, which mandates the publication of all public administrative decisions online. Public universities are included in this requirement and regularly disclose procurement and budgeting decisions. However, international cooperation agreements, such as MoUs, are not consistently published, and financial details are rarely disclosed.
Academic cooperation
Academic cooperation plays a crucial role in the generation and exchange of knowledge. However, when engaging with institutions from countries that do not uphold academic freedom, and where practices common in liberal academia are not respected, robust safeguards are essential to protect institutional integrity and research independence.
In the Chinese academic context, such problematic practices include: the dismissal and imprisonment of scholars, the embedding of Communist Party cells in university governance, compulsory access by the state to university-generated knowledge and technologies, and a documented pattern of intellectual property violations. In Greece, awareness of these issues remains limited, and no coherent effort has been made to address them.
Recent higher education legislation in Greece also overlooks these concerns. In 2024, a new law allowed foreign universities to establish branches in Greece. Despite concerns raised during the public consultation process, particularly about potential threats to academic freedom from illiberal actors, the law did not include specific provisions on partnerships with universities from authoritarian states. Absent are regulatory preconditions, monitoring mechanisms, or veto powers that would allow Greek authorities to screen or exclude institutions that fail to meet liberal academic standards.
This reflects a broader lack of risk awareness when engaging with institutions from authoritarian countries. As a result, Greece remains out of step with partners in the EU and the United States, where academic cooperation with China is increasingly viewed through a security lens.
Research security
Our research identified 33 partnerships between Greek and Chinese universities that are classified by the Australian Strategic Policy Institute’s China Defence University Tracker as posing a “Very High” or “High Risk” due to their ties to China’s military-industrial complex. These agreements are primarily concentrated in STEM fields.
Additionally, at least 24 collaborative research projects—many involving universities and Chinese firms—have covered areas including agriculture, ecological modelling, cultural heritage protection using satellite imagery, biomedical technology, civil protection, informatics, and more. Some collaborations involve Chinese technology companies such as Huawei, although the full extent of these partnerships remains unclear.
While Greek universities do have established research ethics processes, there is no evidence that these frameworks specifically address the complexities of partnerships with universities from authoritarian states. In China’s case, the presence of Chinese Communist Party committees within universities and laws requiring unrestricted state access to research data raise serious concerns about data protection, intellectual property, and dual-use risks.
To mitigate these risks, research ethics frameworks in Greece should incorporate specific safeguards tailored to such partnerships, both to protect researchers and preserve the integrity of research outputs.
Despite the EU’s adoption of an Economic Security Strategy in 2023 and the European Commission’s recognition of research security as a key concern in 2024, these developments have yet to influence public discourse or policy in Greece. No notable policy adjustments have been made to align with this emerging European approach.
Confucius Institutes in Greece
CIs play a central role in China-related academic programming in Greece. In effect, the Greek state has delegated the development of Sinology and Chinese Studies to institutions affiliated with the People’s Republic of China. This is especially significant given Greece’s limited independent expertise on China and the small number of scholars working in the field.
There are currently two CIs in Athens, one in Thessaloniki, and a newly established institute in Patras. A fifth CI in Volos suspended operations in 2023 due to extensive flood damage. Similar to other countries, CIs in Greece offer Chinese language and culture courses, while also serving as platforms for public diplomacy and academic exchange. While there have been no public controversies or allegations of espionage involving Greek-based CIs, as has occurred in other countries, their close alignment with the Chinese Embassy and growing influence underscore their importance in Beijing’s soft power strategy.
Indeed, the CIs in Greece regularly organise events highlighting Sino-Greek relations and cultural cooperation. Their continued expansion, at a time when other European countries are regulating or reducing CI activity, further positions Greece as an outlier within the EU.
Recommendations
At the national level, Greece needs to develop a comprehensive national policy on research security and academic integrity that explicitly addresses collaboration with authoritarian states. This policy should include mandatory transparency measures and be developed through consultation with the domestic and international academic communities to align with emerging European frameworks. The regulation of CIs should be an integral part of this process.
Greek universities must raise awareness about the political and legal conditions under which Chinese universities operate, particularly the implications for academic freedom, research integrity, and institutional autonomy. Research committees and administrators should be equipped to assess risks and make informed decisions when engaging in international partnerships.
Explore more data on Greece-China academic engagements here.
