Diplomatic relations between Spain and China have spanned over 50 years, characterized by ongoing (if sometimes uneven) dialogue at the governmental, social, cultural, and educational levels. In the educational sphere, out of Spain’s 50 public universities, 48 have had or currently have cooperation agreements with Chinese entities.
In September 2024, during Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez’s visit to Beijing, several cooperation agreements were signed. Among them was a memorandum of understanding between Spain’s State Research Agency and China’s Ministry of Science and Technology, via the National Natural Science Foundation of China. This agreement was later reinforced and expanded through the establishment of a monitoring mechanism for the Executive Plan for Educational Cooperation, which was implemented three months later.
These government actions were presented as a success in international cooperation, but little detail was provided regarding the safeguards taken by the institutions to mitigate risks associated with these agreements. Moreover, scant attention was paid to the extensive and longstanding cooperation that already exists between Spanish public universities and various entities linked to Beijing’s regime.
Transparency challenges
In 2013, the Spanish government approved the Law on Transparency, Access to Public Information, and Good Governance. This law applies to public universities, which are considered public administration entities, granting citizens the right to access information held by these entities, provided it is not confidential or otherwise protected. However, 21% of the 52 universities and research institutes approached for information either denied access or did not respond. Major universities such as the Autonomous University of Madrid and the University of Santiago de Compostela (both of which host Confucius Institutes) failed to respond. More than half of the universities that did respond provided only partial or incomplete information.
While all Spanish public universities are required by law to have transparency portals, only a small proportion (29.4%) make the full texts of signed agreements publicly available. Those that do not often cite data protection regulations or a lack of resources to digitize large volumes of documents. However, it is worth noting the case of Complutense University of Madrid, which, despite having over 50 agreements with Chinese-related entities, publishes all of them, although personal data is redacted in accordance with data protection laws. Furthermore, while universities do provide economic and financial information on their portals, the formats vary significantly in terms of detail and presentation, making it difficult to access or compare specific information.
The most transparent universities in this regard were the University of Zaragoza and the Autonomous University of Madrid, both of which detailed incomes of over €1 million from their Confucius Institutes over the past decade. The Polytechnic University of Catalonia reported over €800,000 in contracts with Huawei Technologies for scholarships and the creation of a class on 5G technology.
Among the agreements that could be analyzed, there is a noticeable lack of attention to transparency. Most agreements follow standard templates. In some cases, the names of Chinese counterparts are misspelled in English or Spanish translations. This makes it difficult to assess the sensitivity of the cooperation areas, as most agreements are generic and do not specify particular fields, partly because the majority are exchange agreements rather than research collaborations. When research agreements do specify areas of focus, these are so varied, ranging from cultural and linguistic studies to mathematics and agricultural sciences, that no clear pattern emerges.
Although such issues receive little media coverage, there have been instances where Chinese diplomatic pressure directly affected academic freedom in Spain. A notable example occurred in 2018, when the University of Salamanca cancelled a planned Taiwanese cultural event after receiving a request from the Chinese embassy, which warned that hosting the event could jeopardize the university’s relationship with China. The Spanish government’s failure to protect the university in this instance raised concerns about broader trends of foreign interference in academic settings. Another, lesser-known case involves Professor Julián Pavón, the author of the book China: ¿Dragón o Parásito? (China: Dragon or Parasite?), who was repeatedly attacked by the Chinese embassy and diaspora media.
Confucius Institutes
Spain hosts 12 Confucius Institutes, meaning that 25% of its public universities have one. The first was established in Madrid in 2005 through an agreement between the Autonomous University of Madrid, Hanban—via Shanghai International Studies University—and Casa Asia, a public consortium integrated by the Spanish Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Generalitat of Catalonia, and the City Councils of Barcelona and Madrid that aims to foster relations between Spain and Asia-Pacific countries in cultural, economic, and educational fields. The most recent was inaugurated at the historic University of Salamanca in May 2025. Additionally, eight public universities host Confucius Classrooms.
The primary focus of Confucius Institutes is the teaching of the Chinese language and culture. They also serve as venues for international Chinese language exams. It is worth noting that many agreements, including those establishing Confucius Institutes, involve reciprocal actions by Spanish universities in China, such as offering Spanish language or Hispanic culture courses. Recent examples include the University of Salamanca, which opened a Spanish school in Beijing; the University of Cádiz, which partnered with Beijing City University to teach Spanish; and the University of León, which has a similar agreement with Shanghai International Studies University. However, the most prominent Spanish teaching institution in China remains the Cervantes Institute, a public entity funded by the Spanish government. However, Confucius Institutes have also shown limited tolerance for academic freedom, even in cultural programming. “If a group of students requests permission to stage an exhibition on Falun Gong, our answer will be no,” the director of the Confucius Institute in Madrid, Gladys Nieto, has stated publicly.
Security risks
As more Chinese universities engage in defense research, train defense scientists, and collaborate with the military and defense industry, the risk level associated with joint research, development, and teaching—even with ostensibly civilian institutions—increases. This study found that the Polytechnic University of Catalonia is the most exposed, having the highest number of agreements with Chinese universities classified as high-risk or very high-risk, according to the Australian Strategic Policy Institute’s China Defense University Tracker. These include institutions such as Beijing University, Beijing Institute of Technology, and Harbin Institute of Technology. The Polytechnic University of Catalonia has signed nearly twice as many agreements with high-risk Chinese universities as the next institution on the list, the University of the Balearic Islands, which has the highest total number of agreements with Chinese entities overall.
These two universities are also the only Spanish institutions with agreements with the National University of Defense Technology, the People’s Liberation Army’s premier institution for scientific research and education, according to the Australian Strategic Policy Institute. The case of the Polytechnic University of Catalonia is particularly concerning, as it is a technically focused university with intensive academic and research activity and is highly ranked internationally, among the top 50 globally in disciplines such as Architecture, Civil Engineering, Telecommunications, and Computer Science in the QS and Shanghai rankings. However, this study was unable to access the specific content of the agreements signed between this university and Chinese entities, highlighting the continued lack of full compliance with transparency obligations.
The “Seven Sons of National Defence” are seven Chinese universities known for their close ties to the military and defense industry, managed by China’s Ministry of Industry and Information Technology. According to the data, all Seven Sons have agreements with at least one Spanish public university. In addition to the Polytechnic University of Catalonia, notable examples include the Polytechnic University of Madrid and the Polytechnic University of Valencia. Even more concerning is the case of the University of Alcalá, which not only has an agreement with the Beijing Institute of Technology but also hosts a Defense University Center, managed by the Spanish Ministry of Defense’s Research and Development Department.
Concerns are further heightened by the fact that most Spanish universities (96%) lack specific risk mitigation plans. Those that mention any such measures typically state only that they comply with EU recommendations, without providing further details. Moreover, cooperation is not limited to universities. Huawei, a Chinese tech company with well-documented links to China’s security apparatus, recently signed an agreement with the University of León, a small public institution in Spain’s interior, to offer training in digital business and cybersecurity.
Recommendations
Spanish public universities should standardize their transparency practices by making the full texts of all international cooperation agreements publicly accessible. Clear and consistent reporting of financial and partnership data would facilitate independent oversight and help ensure that cooperation aligns with national interests and legal requirements. This should include addenda, which are often more important and specific than the main agreements.
Given the opacity of China, Spain—and any other European democracy—should make a concerted effort to ensure that joint agreements, research, and collaboration projects are open to public scrutiny.
Spanish universities should also adopt comprehensive risk assessment and mitigation strategies when entering international collaborations, particularly those involving high-risk partners in sensitive research areas. This should include regular reviews of existing agreements, training for staff on security and ethical considerations, and consultation with national security agencies where appropriate.
While educational and cultural exchanges are valuable, Spanish universities must ensure that partnerships with Chinese entities are balanced and reciprocal, with clear academic value and mutual benefit. Joint projects should be carefully evaluated not only for their academic merits but also for their potential security implications.
Explore more data on Italy-China academic engagements here.
